Leon
Trotsky: Interview by the Daily
Telegraph
March
14, 1929
[Writings
of Leon Trotsky. Vol 13, Supplement 1929-1933, New York 1979, p.
13-15]
Leo
Trotsky (or “Mr. Sadoff,” as he persists in calling himself), has
now abandoned the mystery with which he has surrounded himself since
his deportation from Russia. Since yesterday [March 14] he has
started receiving foreign newspaper representatives.
Heretofore
he has been completely hidden. This is due either to the measures
taken for his seclusion by his gaolers at the Soviet Consulate here,
or in order to fulfil his undertaking with his Press agents in Paris,
or both. The ex-War Lord of Soviet Russia is no longer a prisoner of
the Bolsheviks. He is now, to all intents and purposes, an ordinary
visitor to Constantinople, and is staying at its best hotel,
Tokatlians.
Trotsky
received me this afternoon in his bedroom, after my identity had been
verified by his ambassador, his son. Owing to the reports current
concerning his ill-health, I expected to find a frail and broken man.
But I was astonished to meet a Trotsky apparently hale and certainly
hearty — clean-shaven, with straight back and firm step, and
looking in no wise displeased with his lot.
His
appearance must be somewhat deceptive, however. He told me he was
anxious to put himself in the hands of his German doctors, for he had
need of medical attention. No reply has yet been received to his
request for permission to reside in Germany. But the Red ex-leader
entertains little doubt that a visa will ultimately be forthcoming.
He explains the long delay as being probably due to the present
Cabinet crisis in Berlin.
Reports
that he has addressed requests for visas to France, Holland, and
Czechoslovakia are, he assured me, utterly untrue. Germany is the
only place he desires to reside in, he said. But he added that at
some time he would dearly love to visit the British Museum, which
throughout the world has no equal and “where, as Victor Hugo said,
‘when this century was two years old’ I passed six happy months
studying and writing one of my books.”
“Suppose
I requested the British Government’s permission to go to London to
visit again the British Museum, do you think I should get it?” he
asked me.
I
replied that it was in the realm of possibility. On this he seized a
blank telegram form and asked, “Will you sign on behalf of your
paper, which is hostile to me, a recommendation that this privilege
be granted me?” Naturally I declined to do any such thing.
Whereupon
Trotsky went on to refer to the bracketed note, “Great laughter,”
in the papers on the occasion of a question being recently asked by a
member in the House of Commons. This was whether favorable
consideration would be given if Trotsky sought refuge in England, and
whether his presence would be tolerated.
“What
signifies in this ‘great laughter’ is that the possibility of my
ever being allowed in England is such as to provoke nothing but
mirth.”
There
is no doubt that Trotsky would regard securing a visa to England as a
great personal victory. Little, I gathered, as he loves the British,
it is equally certain, judging from the way he dwelt reminiscently on
the attractions of the British Museum, that he would cherish the
occasion to profit from them again.
With
regard to the actual Anglo-Russian situation Trotsky made some strong
comments on what he termed the lack of foresight displayed by Great
Britain in persisting to ignore Soviet Russia.
“It
is a primary necessity (for England),” he said, “to resume
diplomatic and commercial relations with Soviet Russia, and for each
to let bygones be bygones — to a certain extent.”
My
observation that I believed there were certain matters of
considerable importance yet requiring solution, brought forth the
remark that for England to start again drawing up and presenting a
statement of outstanding accounts would be useless.
“It
will lead nowhere,” he said. “And what about the milliards of
pounds Russia has lost because of Great Britain? Why, British
soldiers and British gold were solely responsible for the civil war
in Russia. But for their intervention Russia’s revolution would
have been bloodless. For up to the British intervening and inciting
the Whites, the Reds were assuming control of the machinery of
government in a perfectly orderly manner and meeting with no
resistance. No, Great Britain is not an undisputed creditor.”
Here
what appeared to be the inevitable propaganda became evident. For
Trotsky outlined what industrially and politically England stood to
lose if she came second in the race with the United States for Soviet
Russia’s favour.
“The
day will arrive — and it is not far distant, and it rests with
Great Britain as to whether it will be too late or not — when she
will have to come knocking at the door of Russia. She is in great
danger of receiving a fatal push out of the way from America and once
the latter makes up with Russia Great Britain’s future outlook will
become very cloudy.
“Russia
naturally requires a foreign market in Great Britain or America:
which it is, is to her immaterial, but to them vital. Furthermore,
with a resumption of relations, Great Britain, fearing, as she does,
the extension of Communism within her territory and making this one
reason for holding aloof, would be no worse off than now. She is
master in her own house, and ought to be capable of keeping it in
order. Only children are paralyzed by fear; Governments, by their own
strength, should overcome it.”
Trotsky
declares that he has done with active politics, and means to devote
himself entirely to writing. He tells me he has had offers for
articles from all over the world, and his future livelihood will be
obtained by his pen. He is now engaged upon his autobiography.