Leon
Trotsky: Letter to Hungarian Comrades
August
1, 1930
[Writing
of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 2, 1930, New York 1975, p. 349-351]
Dear
Comrades,
Your
idea of uniting the leading proletarian elements of the Hungarian
emigration in close relation with the revolutionary elements inside
Hungary to counterpose Leninism to Stalinism and Bela Kunism — that
idea flows from the total situation, and one can only welcome it.
The
Hungarian revolution, like every unsuccessful revolution, has meant
extensive emigration. Not for the first time in history has it
happened that the task of emigres is to
help prepare a new revolution.
What
is needed for that? To examine the experience of the first Hungarian
revolution. That means examining with merciless criticism the
leadership of Bela Kun and Company. The strength of Bolshevism, which
permitted it to carry out the October Revolution, lay in two things:
a correct understanding of the role of the party, as a systematic
selection of the most steadfast and most tempered class elements, and
a correct policy on relations with the peasantry, in the first place,
on the land question. Despite the fact that Bela Kun observed the
October Revolution from close at hand, he did not understand its
motive force and method; and when by the course of circumstances it
turned out that he was raised to power, he light-mindedly proceeded
to merge the Communists with the Left Social Democrats and, in the
spirit of the Russian Mensheviks, completely turned his back on the
peasantry on the land question. These two fatal mistakes
predetermined the rapid collapse of the Hungarian revolution in the
difficult conditions in which it took place.
It
is possible to learn from mistakes. It is necessary to learn from
defeats. But Bela Kun, Pogany (Pepper), Varga, and the others did
nothing about it. They supported all the mistakes, all the
opportunist vacillations, all the adventurist racing about in all
countries. In the Soviet Union, they participated actively in the
struggle against the Bolshevik-Leninists, in that persecution which
was reflected in the attack of the new petty bourgeoisie and the
bureaucracy on the workers. They supported the policy of Stalin and
Martinov in China, which so inevitably led to the ruin of the Chinese
revolution, the same policy with which Bela Kun had earlier undone
the Hungarian revolution. They, Bela Kun, Pogany, Varga, and the
others, supported the policy of the Anglo-Russian Committee, that
shameful capitulation of communism to strikebreakers, which for a
number of years broke the back of the British Communist Party.
Particularly fatal, perhaps, was the role of Bela Kun in Germany. At
the time of the March days in 1921, he supported a revolutionary
"uprising" when there were no objective preconditions for
one. In 1923 he, together with Stalin, missed the revolutionary
situation. In 1924 and 1925, when the revolutionary situation had
already shown itself to be past, Bela Kun supported the course of
armed uprising. In 1926 and 1927 he, together with Varga, came out as
protagonists of the opportunist policy of Stalin and Bukharin,
signifying capitulation to the social democracy. In February 1928,
Kun, together with Stalin and Thälmann, suddenly discovered in
Germany an immediate revolutionary situation. During the last two
years, the ill-starred policy of the "third period"
weakened all the parties of the Comintern, and the Hungarian too. If
today, when the world crisis poses for communism grandiose tasks, the
sections of the Comintern show themselves immeasurably weaker than
they might have been, then an important share of the blame for this
falls heavily on the official leadership of the Hungarian party,
which till now has been covering itself with the borrowed authority
of the Hungarian revolution in spite of the fact that it, precisely,
ruined it.
A
struggle against Bela Kunism in Hungary means at the same time a
struggle against that regime of absent and impudent officials who do
more harm to the Comintern the more they go on. Without liberating
itself from Bela Kunism, the Hungarian proletarian vanguard cannot
unite into an efficient communist party.
It
is perfectly natural if communists in emigration take on themselves
the initiative for offering theoretical help and political solidarity
to the revolutionists struggling inside Hungary.
Since
1924, i.e., since the beginning of the reaction in the USSR, Stalin
and Molotov have made fashionable a contemptuous attitude toward
revolutionary "emigres." This single fact is enough to
measure the whole depth of the degeneration of the apparatus leaders!
Marx and Engels in the old days said that the proletariat had no
fatherland. In the epoch of imperialism this truth has a still deeper
character. And if that is so, then it is possible to say honestly
that for the proletarian revolutionist there is no emigration: in
other words, emigration has a police but not a political meaning. In
every country where there are workers and a bourgeoisie, the
proletarian finds a place in the struggle.
Only
for the petty-bourgeois nationalist can "emigration"
constitute a break with political struggle: is it worth interfering
in other
people's
business? For the internationalist the cause of the proletariat in
every country is not someone else's, but one's
own.
The leading Hungarian workers are all the better able to help the
revolutionary struggle inside Hungary, now and in the future, the
closer they are tied to the revolutionary movement in the country in
which fate has thrown them. It is working-class "emigres"
precisely, educated by the Left Opposition, i.e., the
Bolshevik-Leninists, who can constitute the best cadres of a
renascent Hungarian communist party.
The
organ to be set up by you has as its task to link up the advanced
Hungarian workers scattered in different countries, not only in
Europe but also in America. To link them up not in order to tear them
out of the class struggle in those countries to which they have gone;
on the contrary, to call on them to participate in the struggle, to
teach them to make use of their emigre situation so as to broaden
their outlook, to liberate themselves from nationalist limitations,
to educate and temper themselves in the spirit of proletarian
internationalism.
With
all my heart I wish you success!
With
communist greetings,
L.
Trotsky