Leon
Trotsky: Stalin’s “Reply to Collective Farm Comrades”
Published
May 1930
[Writing
of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 13. Supplement (1929-1933), New York 1979, p.
39 f.]
This
answer of Stalin entirely fills the front page of Pravda.
A hopeless sea of lines. It is impossible to fish out a fresh
thought, a serious generalization.
Why
did the excesses take place? Here is the answer: “It has been
forgotten that coercion, which is necessary and useful in the fight
against our class enemies, is impermissible and disastrous when
applied to the middle peasant, who is our ally.”
How
did they thus “forget”? After all, the one idea they have dinned
into the mind of the party since 1923 is that one must not forget the
middle peasant. Indeed, the whole struggle against the Opposition
proceeded under this banner. And how did it turn out? “We forgot
the middle peasant.” It is exactly as though they had mislaid a
handkerchief.
What
other kinds of mistakes did they make? “In building collective
farms, Lenin’s voluntary principle has been violated.”
No
more, no less. Why did they violate it? This is not explained. And
why did it take so long for the authorities to notice the violation?
And why did the peasants not complain in time about the violation? It
is impossible to understand anything.
“Third
question.
How could these errors have arisen, and how must the party correct
them?
“Reply.
They arose because of our rapid successes in the collective-farm
movement. Success sometimes turns people’s heads.”
That
is the whole explanation: quick successes, and therefore dizziness.
But just where was the party? It could not have happened that
one-and-a-half million members of the party felt dizzy. And generally
speaking, just what kind of political condition is this? And what
kind of corrective measures exist?
Then
follows:
“Fifth
question.
Which is our chief danger, the Right or the ‘Left’?
“Reply.
Our chief danger at the present time is the Right danger. The Right
danger has been, and still is, the chief danger.”
This
“sure is true,” as Tolstoy’s peasant observes. But because,
don’t you see, the left danger nourishes the right, therefore, in
the interests of the struggle against the main danger it is necessary
to crush the left. If Stalin executed Blumkin, then it was only in
the interests of the struggle against the right danger.
As
regards the kulaks, it is reported that the policy of their
“elimination as a class” remains in full force. But “that does
not mean, of course, that we can eliminate them at one stroke. But it
does mean that we shall work to surround them and to eliminate them.”
To
surround and eliminate — no, to work to surround and eliminate
them, and, to boot, not at one stroke — all this shows that Stalin
will work furtively to eliminate the program of dispossessing the
kulak, not at one stroke, of course, but in a drawn-out fashion,
through unscrupulous maneuvers that will confuse the party once and
for all.