Leon
Trotsky: Letter to the Bolshevik-Leninists in the USSR
Published
August 17, 1934
[Writings
of Leon Trotsky, Vol 7, 1934-1935, New York 1971, p. 69-72]
Dear
Comrades,
For
a long time the Stalinists prepared Rakovsky's capitulation as a
decisive blow. And now, only several months later, it is proved that
the blow has miscarried: among the thousands in the USSR who are
imprisoned, exiled, expelled from the party and deprived of bread,
two or three tired veterans followed Rakovsky; in the rest of the
world — not a single man. And that despite the extraordinarily
difficult situation of the Bolshevik-Leninists against whom the
Stalinists unite with world reaction in order to pursue and hound
them.
The
principal argument of the capitulation is, at the same time, the
principal proof of the political inconsistency of the capitulators.
The victorious offensive of fascism requires, according to Rakovsky,
the unity of "all forces" for the defense of the Soviet
power. But the question is: how to resist the victorious offensive of
the reaction and how
to safeguard the Soviet power? Stalin declared that Social Democracy
and fascism were Siamese twins. On this basis the united front was
irrevocably condemned. Two days before the victory of Hitler, the
Comintern stated that the proletarian revolution in Germany was
traveling full steam ahead to victory. It presented the uncontested
establishment of the fascist dictatorship in the most industrialized
nation of Europe as "the acceleration of the proletarian
revolution." The policy of the German Communist Party before,
during and after the fascist coup d'état was declared beyond
reproach. By means of such deception and such crimes, a situation
chock full of revolutionary possibilities was lost in Germany. During
the years 1929-33, the Comintern prepared and struck such a blow to
Soviet power and to the world revolution that in comparison the
economic successes of the USSR are relegated to second and third
place. Rakovsky did not even attempt to answer the question: was the
policy of Stalin-Thälmann
in
the great class battles correct or fatal? Whoever substitutes fawning
before the bureaucracy, its errors and crimes, for the defense of the
historic interests of the revolution can hope for nothing from the
Bolshevik-Leninists but well-deserved scorn.
When
the waters of fascism rose up to the Comintern's neck in France,
frightened, it accomplished in several days, if not in several hours,
a turn unprecedented in political history; it cast off the theory of
social fascism like a dirty rag, recognized — and in what a vulgar
Menshevik form! — the defense of democracy and proclaimed the
united front with the Social Democracy not only a superior but also a
unique precept, by which they tacitly sacrifice the revolutionary
tasks and the criticism of reformism. With an appalling cynical
attitude toward ideas, these gentlemen no longer accuse us of
advocating the "counterrevolutionary united front with the
leaders" but of lacking a "loyal” regard for the
leadership by attempting to utilize the united front in order to
strengthen the revolutionary wing at the expense of the Social
Democracy. What can this "plunge into the void" signify?
Moscow
understands, it seems, that the increase of tractors alone not only
does not solve the problems of socialism but does not even assure the
existence of the Soviet state. Even if one were to believe for a
moment that a complete socialist society will be built in the USSR in
the next four or five years, it is still impossible to close one's
eyes to the fact that fascism obtains its cannibal victories in
increasingly shorter intervals. It is unnecessary to explain the
consequences that the fascistization of all Europe would have on
"socialism in one country" during the next twelve or
twenty-four months. Hence the panic among the leaders of the
bureaucracy. Hence the telegraphic order: perform a 180-degree turn
and camouflage it with a new barrage of slander-gas against the
"Trotskyists"!
By
means of such procedure, the bureaucracy now has an unlimited
domination of the Comintern, but at the same time the Comintern is
losing the esteem and confidence of the working masses. The turn in
France was accomplished without a semblance of discussion or
criticism. The members of the French party simply awoke to find out
that today it was necessary to call the truth that which had
yesterday been called a lie. Such a regime, declare the Rakovskys and
the Sosnovskys, is to the "credit" of Stalin! We think that
such a regime is the misfortune of the revolution. In any case, the
capitulators should, at least, make clear to what extent they have
capitulated: to yesterday's policy of Stalin-Thälmann, which brought
such happy results? Or to the directly opposite policy of
Stalin-Cachin in France today? But the capitulators do not dare make
a choice. They have capitulated not to a policy but to a bureaucracy!
In
the last ten years, the policy of the Comintern has permitted the
Second International to retrieve its dominant position in the working
class. Of course, the crisis, misery, reactionary gangsterism and the
approach of a new war violently push different groups of workers
towards the sections of the Comintern. But these superficial and
ephemeral "successes" caused by the situation do not at all
correspond to the political situation and to its gigantic tasks. The
German Communist Party had incomparably greater "successes"
up to the end of its legal existence, but that did not save it from
an ignominious collapse.
Within
the parties of the Second International, whose leadership is a
reflection of its miserable and infamous orientation, there is at
this moment a process of radicalization of the masses. The regime of
the Comintern, the "somersaults" of the Stalinist
bureaucracy and the cynicism of its means and methods constitute now
the principal obstacle on the road to the revolutionary education and
solidification of the proletarian vanguard. However, without the
mobilization of the workers — not only for parades and meetings
but also for decisive struggle — without correct leadership,
fusing revolutionary intransigence with Leninist realism, the victory
of fascism will come in France with the same inevitability as in
Germany. What will remain then of the theory of "socialism in
one country"? No more than remains today of the theory of
"social fascism."
The
Bolshevik-Leninists will not capitulate but, on the contrary, will
redouble their efforts. The Socialist workers ought now to become the
principal arena of their activity. It is necessary to explain the
issues to them, more precisely, to find side by side with them a road
to the revolution. It is only thus that the Communist workers can be
torn from the vise of the bureaucracy; it is only thus that unity of
action in the struggle against fascism can be assured as well as the
creation of a truly revolutionary party of the masses, a section of
the Fourth International that will lead the proletariat to the
conquest of power.
Dear
Friends! Your comrades-in-arms in all the countries of the world know
the difficult inhuman conditions you endure under the Stalinist
bureaucracy. They have only respect for the firmness that the
majority of you have shown in the face of new repressions, new
calumnies, new betrayals. No, you have not capitulated in spite of
everything. On the contrary, you have before you a grand
revolutionary mission to perform. You have a duty to place, insofar
as possible, before the advanced workers of the USSR the problems of
the international revolution now monopolized by the Manuilskys, the
Kuusinens, the Pyatnitskys, the Lozovskys and the other third- and
fifth-rate irresponsible functionaries.
Bolshevik-Leninists!
The development of Europe and the entire world is now entering a
critical stage, in which the fate of Europe and the international
revolution will be decided for a whole historical epoch. We will now
bring to the masses the revolutionary lessons that we assimilated in
a dozen years of struggle against the centrist bureaucracy
(Stalinism). Step by step, we will point the way to them.
For
the defense of the USSR!
For
the world proletarian revolution!
For
the Fourth International!
Foreign
Representatives of the Russian Bolshevik-Leninists