Leon
Trotsky: The Catalan Conflict and the Tasks of the Proletariat
Summer
1934
[Writing
of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 14, New York 1979, p. 496-499]
1.
Evaluation of the Catalan conflict and the possibilities flowing from
it must take as its point of departure the fact that Catalonia
unquestionably represents today the strongest position of the defense
forces led against the Spanish reaction and against the fascist
danger. Should this position be lost, the reaction would gain a
decisive victory and for a long time to come. With a correct policy
the proletarian vanguard would utilize the strong defensive position
as the starting point for a new offensive of the Spanish revolution.
Such should be our perspective.
2.
This development is not possible unless the Catalan proletariat
succeeds in taking the leadership of the defensive struggle against
the reactionary central government at Madrid. But this is not
possible if the Catalan proletariat promises to support this struggle
only in the event that it is initiated [by other forces]. [The policy
of the proletariat must not be dependent on] either the intransigence
of the Madrid government or the regressiveness of the Catalan petty
bourgeoisie (Maurín's policy of tail-ending [behind the petty
bourgeoisie] is pursued by our comrades in the Catalan Workers
Alliance). [It can be successful] only if it places itself at the
head of the defense movement, if it outlines the perspectives, raises
bolder slogans, and begins leading the struggle not only in words but
in action.
3.
A victorious resistance is conceivable if it not only mobilizes all
the mass forces (all the prerequisites now exist) but pushes forward
toward the offensive. That is why it is of decisive importance that
the proletarian vanguard should explain from now on to the masses of
workers and peasants in the rest of Spain that the victory or defeat
of the Catalan resistance will also decide their victory or defeat.
The mobilization of these allies throughout Spain must be completed
now and not at the moment when a reactionary offensive by Madrid
shall have become a fact (this is the position of our comrades and of
the majority of the Workers Alliance).
4.
Catalonia can remain the axis of the Spanish revolution. Winning the
leadership in Catalonia must be the basis of our policy in Spain. The
policy of our comrades makes this completely impossible. This policy
must be changed speedily if we do not want a decisive situation to
end, because of us, in a new defeat of the Spanish revolution which
would be decisive for a long time to come. It should not be concealed
that the policy of our comrades in this question has strongly injured
the prestige not only of our own organization and of the Workers
Alliance but of the proletariat itself and cannot be repaired except
by a radical turn based on a real understanding of the facts. The
position of our comrades and of those in the Workers Alliance cannot
be understood by the non-proletarian working masses except in the
following way: “The proletariat agrees through the voice of its
organizations to participate if others begin [the struggle]; but in
return it demands from the petty-bourgeois Esquerra its own price
(the terms imposed by the Workers Alliance), ignoring completely the
particular interests of the peasantry and the petty-bourgeois masses,
and will seek as soon as the possibility offers itself to lead the
struggle in the direction of its own class aims — the dictatorship
of the proletariat.” Instead of appearing as the leader of all the
oppressed strata of the nation, as the leader of the national
liberation movement, the proletariat here appears only as a partner
of the other classes; indeed a very selfish partner, to whom it is
necessary to give or to promise [concessions] because and for as long
a time as it shall be needed. The Catalan petty bourgeoisie, the big
bourgeoisie, and the reaction, basing itself on the bankruptcy of
this petty bourgeoisie, could ask for nothing better than to have the
proletariat in such a position.
5.
Our comrades must base their turn above all on this: They must
agitate (through their own organizations and through the Workers
Alliance) for the proclamation of the independent republic of
Catalonia and must demand, in order to guarantee it, the immediate
arming of the whole people. They should not wait for the government
to arm them but begin immediately to form workers’ militias which
then should not only demand better equipment from the government but
must obtain it by disarming the reactionaries and the fascists. The
proletariat must prove to the Catalan masses that it has a sincere
interest in the defense of Catalan independence. Here will lie the
decisive path toward the conquest of the leadership in the struggle
of all the strata, prepared for the defense of the city and the
country. The arming of the people must become the center of our
agitation in coming weeks around the slogans of: No stoppage of
wages: the government and the employers must bear the cost of
equipment and supplies. The existing military forces must be enrolled
as instructors in the formation of the militia. The officers shall be
elected by the members of the militia. The base of the militia is the
factory. The workers in large industries, the railroads, etc., and
all the public utilities shall automatically become part of the
militia. Most of the people shall be asked to join up. Every regiment
elects its committee which for its part sends a representative to the
central committee of all the divisions of the Catalan militia. The
central committee (i.e., the central soviet) functions as the
political state, but first and foremost as the controlling body and
later as the central authority for supplying and equipping the
forces. In achieving this task, it will have to become [transformed]
from a body alongside of the government into, properly speaking, the
government itself. This is the form and concrete development of
soviets in the present situation in Catalonia.
6.
Because the extreme divisions among the Catalan proletariat do not
allow it to exercise its hegemony in Catalonia, it cannot alone and
by itself proclaim the independence of Catalonia. But it can and it
must appeal for independence with all its strength and demand it of
the petty-bourgeois Esquerra government. It must make up for its
tardiness by the immediate holding of new elections. “We need a
government which represents and leads the real will to struggle of
the popular masses.” The regimental committees of the militia must
become the principal means for the preparation and realization of
these elections. In other words, to the extent that the two phases of
the problem — the proclamation of independence and the arming of
the people — can be separated from each other, it is the latter by
means of which it is necessary to achieve the former.
7.
The proletariat must not only place in the foreground the democratic
demands (freedom of the press, a state which is not costly, leveling
of the salaries of functionaries, a democratic economy, more indirect
taxes, graduated direct taxation of the propertied classes to finance
the resistance, etc.) — [raising these] not only for itself along
with its own class demands — [but it also must] put them forward
with all the specific demands of the peasants and of the
petty-bourgeois masses.
Information
is lacking on the details of the agrarian question, but above all the
proletariat should on its own initiative arm the masses with these
slogans as demands to be fought for. But it must not pose these
demands as conditions for its readiness to participate in the
struggle.