Leon
Trotsky: Statement of the Pan-American Committee
April
5, 1939
[Writings
of Leon Trotsky, Vol 11, 1938-1938, New York ²1974, p. 295-297]
Comrade
Diego Rivera's rectification of March 20 concerning the creation of
the Partido Revolucionario Obrero y Campesino [Revolutionary Workers
and Peasants Party] only serves to make even clearer the fundamental
differences between us, concerning not only the question of the
elections, but the fundamental principles of the proletarian class
struggle.
It
is not necessary to enter into a discussion of who took the
initiative in the creation of the new party: the workers of the Casa
del Pueblo or Diego Rivera himself. It is sufficient for us that he
is the political secretary of the party and thus carries the whole
responsibility for this body and its politics.
We
consider a proletarian party as the main instrument in the liberation
of' the working class. The base of such a party must include not
empirical and conjunctural demands but a program of transitional
slogans, and what is more important, the program of social
revolution. The idea that one can create a party "ad hoc"
for a concrete conjuncture is absolutely incredible and opportunistic
in- its essence. A workers' party with a so-called minimum program is
eo
ipso
a bourgeois party. It is a party which makes the workers support
bourgeois politics or bourgeois politicians.
A
revolutionary Marxist workers' party could discuss the question of
whether or not it was advisable in this concrete situation to support
one of the bourgeois candidates. We are of the opinion that under the
given conditions it would be false. But the question placed before us
by Diego Rivera's activity is incomparably more important. In
reality, Comrade Rivera organized and is leading a new party on a
petty- bourgeois, reformist program, without any international
connections, with an anti-Marxist name (a party of workers and
peasants), and opposes this party to the Fourth International as
opportunist in its policy in the elections.
Imagine
for a moment that our policy toward the elections is false; but it is
an episodic question. Can one imagine that a Marxist puts the
difference about this secondary or tertiary question above the
program of the world revolution, breaks his international
connections, and participates in a new party as a political
secretary?
This
fact alone shows that the divergences are incomparably deeper than
Comrade Rivera, in his fantastic impulsiveness, believes.
We
must add that before the absolutely unexpected creation of the new
party, he elaborated another program for an alliance with the CGT,
which called itself anarchistic. This program of Comrade Rivera's
contained absolutely impermissible concessions to the anarchist
doctrines. As we know, the alliance was not realized because the
supposed allies, the heads of the CGT, abandoned their alleged
anarchism for an open reactionary, bourgeois policy.
After
this Comrade Rivera elaborated a document in which he accused the
Third International of Lenin and the Fourth International of
transforming the "anarchists" into bourgeois reactionaries.
Of course we could not accept this apology for the anarchist
bourgeois fakers and these accusations against the Marxist
Internationals.
Now
Comrade Rivera invokes letters of Comrade Trotsky. We cannot enter
into this matter, which has nothing to do with our fundamental
divergences. We simply mention that Comrade Trotsky's letters were
written after Diego Rivera's resignation and thus could not have
caused the resignation.
After
his resignation Comrade Rivera declared that he would remain an
active sympathizer. If there is any sense in human words, then an
active sympathizer would mean a person who helps the party from the
outside. But can we call anyone a sympathizer who creates a new
party, opposing it to the Fourth International and its Mexican
section? Is it possible to believe that the political secretary of a
workers' and peasants' party with a petty-bourgeois, reformist
program has no divergences with the Fourth International?
We
all did everything in our power to restrain Diego Rivera from taking
irreparable steps. We did not succeed. Driven by his own temperament
and his fantastic mind, he committed a series of errors; and every
error was a further reason for him to look for some sort of miracle
which could show people that he was that he was right. In this way he
tried to oppose the Casa del Pueblo to the Fourth International, to
win the CGT, and now he is leading the Revolutionary Workers and
Peasants Party. It is absolutely clear to every Marxist that the new
enterprise will be an inevitable fiasco for which we cannot carry the
slightest responsibility before the workers of Mexico and of the
world. We must state openly that not only has Rivera resigned from
the Fourth International, but that by his political activity he puts
himself fundamentally outside the Fourth International. Where
principles are involved we cannot permit any concessions, even toward
such an important figure as Diego Rivera.
We
cannot guess whether the new inevitable debacle will teach Comrade
Rivera the road back to the Fourth International or whether he will
be definitely absorbed by the current of intellectuals who are now
breaking with Marxism in favor of a mixture of anarchism, liberalism,
individualism, and so on. Needless to say, we hope that the first
alternative will be realized.