Leon
Trotsky: No Confidence in the Negrin Government
January
24, 1940
[Leon
Trotsky, The Spanish Revolution (1931-1939), New York 1973, p. 352
f.]
Shachtman,
as we have already seen, persistently demands the citation of
precedents: when and where in the past have the leaders of the
opposition manifested petty-bourgeois opportunism? The reply that I
have already given him on this score must be supplemented here with
two letters that we sent each other on the question of defensism and
methods of defensism in connection with the events of the Spanish
revolution. On September 18, 1937, Shachtman wrote me:
“… You
say, "If we would have a member in the Cortes he would vote
against
the military budget of Negrin.” Unless this is a typographical
error, it seems to us to be a non
sequitur.
If, as we all contend, the
element of an imperialist war
is not dominant at the present time in the Spanish struggle, and if
instead the decisive element is still the struggle between decaying
bourgeois democracy, with all that it involves, on the one side, and
fascism, on the other, and further if we are obliged to give military
assistance to the struggle against fascism, we don't see how it would
be possible to vote in the Cortes against the military budget. … If
a Bolshevik-Leninist on the Huesca front were asked by a Socialist
comrade why his representative in the Cortes voted against the
proposal by Negrin to devote a million pesetas to the purchase of
rifles for the front, what would this Bolshevik-Leninist reply? It
doesn't seem to us that he would have an effective answer. …” [My
emphasis — LTJ
This
letter astounded me. Shachtman was willing to express confidence in
the perfidious Negrin government on the purely negative basis that
the "element of an imperialist war" was not dominant in
Spain.
On
September 20, 1937, I replied to Shachtman:
“To
vote for the military budget of the Negrin government signifies to
vote him political
confidence. … To do it would be a crime. How [can] we explain our
vote to the Anarchist workers? Very simply: We have not the slightest
confidence in the capacity of this government to conduct the war and
assure victory. We accuse this government of protecting the rich and
starving the poor. This government must be smashed. So long as we are
not strong enough to replace it, we are fighting under its command.
But on every occasion we express openly our non-confidence in it; it
is the only one possibility to mobilize the masses politically
against this government and to prepare its overthrow. Any other
politics would be a betrayal of the revolution.”
The
tone of my reply only feebly reflects the … amazement that
Shachtman's opportunist position produced in me. Isolated mistakes
are of course unavoidable, but today, two and a half years later,
this correspondence is illuminated with new light. Since we defend
bourgeois democracy against fascism, Shachtman reasons, we therefore
cannot refuse confidence to the bourgeois government. In applying
this very theorem to the USSR, it is transformed into its converse —
since we place no confidence in the Kremlin government, we cannot,
therefore, defend the workers' state. Pseudo-radicalism in this
instance, too, is only the obverse side of opportunism.