Leon Trotsky: Russian-German Trade Relations

November 14, 1931

[Writing of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 3, 1930-1931, New York 1973, p. 349 f.]

The document entitled "Is a Soviet Germany Possible?" only proves how important it was for the Soviet government to elaborate a model plan of cooperation between the Soviet Union and Germany right at the beginning of the crisis. That would have an incomparable agitational value at the present time The least that can be done now is to make up for what has been missed.

I have only cursorily glanced through the anti-Soviet manifesto of the Leipziger Volkszeitung [Leipzig People's News] for lack of time, but its stupid superficiality leaps to the eye. In 1917 the Russian social democrats maintained that the dictatorship of the proletariat was all right for a highly industrialized country, but in no case for backward Russia, where it could only spell disaster. Besides, the dictatorship could not last more than three days — then, one to three we&s. This was the social democratic evaluation of the October Revolution. Now, fourteen years later, the German social democrats say that a soviet regime, that is, the dictatorship of the proletariat, is fine for a backward country, with its wide dimensions and overwhelming preponderance of the peasantry, etc. But for highly industrialized Germany, the dictatorship of the proletariat would be disastrous.

On the question of economic collaboration between a soviet Germany and Soviet Russia, the German social democrats manipulate current export-import figures to demonstrate that the trade relations between the two countries are insignificant All that proves is that if a soviet Germany were to proceed according to the rules of capitalist Germany, it would collapse

Industrial imports into Russia are limited by credit conditions. In the course of several years the collectivized agrarian economy, now for the most part merely a form of bureaucratic coercion, could become extremely productive and the entire economic relations between both countries completely revolutionized by German industrial and organizational capacity. But what about the transitional period? Obviously, Germany would have to go through a few hard years. The workers, however, would at least understand why they were making sacrifices. But even during the critical transitional years, assuming that the rest of Europe remained capitalist, Germany would not be isolated from the world market Once the workers have expropriated the landowners, the bankers, and the industrialists, they would immediately be able to produce for the world market at cheaper prices than before. Under such circumstances, an economic blockade is absolutely out of the question.

Direct contact with Soviet Russia would be reestablished immediately, for between a soviet Germany and Soviet Russia capitalist Poland would soon give way. Moreover, after a revolution in Germany, it is quite improbable that European capitalism could remain firm for any extended period of time.

It really is necessary to write more at length on this subject. Perhaps the German comrades could divide up the subject among themselves in its different aspects, and begin to collect material toward this end. Later, I could also join in the collective work.