Leon
Trotsky: Documents from Copenhagen
November
1932
[Writing
of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 13. Supplement (1929-1933), New York 1979, p.
175-180]
Internal
Resolution
The
Left Opposition has made the most of the given situation. Though
taken unawares by the Danish visa question, the Bolshevik-Leninists
have shown initiative and an ability to mobilize quickly.
The
meeting and the discussions among more than 20 comrades from seven
countries (Russia, Germany, France, Italy, England, Belgium, and
Czechoslovakia) have strengthened their mutual ties.
Radio
broadcasts will help the national sections to refute the lies of the
Stalinists. Talking films will serve the same end.
It
should be added that the Oppositionist comrades who were present in
Copenhagen went to the secretariat of the CP, and offered to have
Comrade T. defend the views of the Opposition before the party
members in whatever manner the party comrades wished. The leadership
dodged the proposal, apparently without consulting the party, while
continuing its slander campaign.
The
Bolshevik-Leninists returned home after a casual and brief meeting,
with a new reserve of strength and an unshakeable certainty of the
correctness of their cause.
Report
of the Commission on the IS
1.
The Commission proposes that a preconference be held, made up of
delegates from all the sections, which will meet in December 1932, at
the call of the IS, and will have the following points on the agenda:
a)
The composition of the plenum, which will meet as often as possible.
The Commission proposes that the four or five most important sections
establish its composition.
b)
The appointment of the Administrative Secretariat, composed of three
comrades who are capable of doing the work, chosen by the plenum
rather than by the section delegates. These comrades are to be
responsible to the plenum, which alone can recall them.
The
Commission, except for Comrade Grylewicz, proposes that the
Administrative Secretariat be based in Brussels.
c)
Preparation for the international conference.
d)
Decisions to be made so that the subsistence of the IS will he
provided for by the sections.
2.
For the preparation of the international conference the Commission
proposes to follow through on the work that has been begun, and to
involve all the sections in this work.
Proposal
to Organize Defense for the International Opposition
Whereas:
1.
In all parts of the world Oppositionists are undergoing repression —
sometimes of the harshest kind, as in the countries of the Far East.
Capitalist repression (imprisonment, beatings, arrests, provocations,
etc.) combines with the repression and slander of the Stalinists,
which goes to show that the enemies of the proletariat are also
active in the ranks of the workers.
2.
In recent months and years, this situation has been marked in
particular by the following:
a)
The frenzied attack of Stalin’s bureaucracy on the
Bolshevik-Leninists in the USSR (the execution of Blumkin,
deportations, exiles, imprisonment by the thousands, harassment of
Oppositionist workers).
b)
The offensive against the Oppositionist vanguards in China and
Indochina (arrest and torture of militants, smashing of
organizations), in Greece, where hundreds of comrades have been
thrown into prison, in Bulgaria, Poland, etc. In the revolutionary
struggles in Spain, Belgium, South America, etc., Opposition
militants have undergone police repression side by side with all
Communists. Nevertheless, Stalinist slander continues to dog the
Oppositionists, even when they have fallen into the claws of the
bourgeoisie. There are numerous cases in Greece and Bulgaria, and
generally in all countries, where Oppositionists have been beaten up
and harassed in prison by the Stalinists.
c)
Lastly, the Stalinists are directly organizing a form of provocation
and repression that objectively supports the bourgeoisie (united
front with capitalist governments against Comrade Trotsky,
provocations in the United States to implicate the Opposition in
legal cases of murder, denouncing militants to the police by
publishing their names in the press, as in Italy, and brutal acts
organized against the Oppositionists of all countries).
3.
After the establishment of the Communist International, the
international proletariat created an organization for defense and aid
to victims of the class struggle (International Red Aid).
Under
the leadership of the Stalinists the International Red Aid became the
instrument of the Stalinist bureaucrats, who support the comrades
that belong to or work for their faction but who practically and
materially turn their backs on the Left Oppositionists. For this
reason we must adopt a firm and uniform line of action on the
question of the struggle against repression.
We
propose the following:
1.
The struggle against repression must be firmly linked to the work we
are doing to win over layers of Communist workers to the platform of
the Opposition. That is why always and on all occasions the sections
or individual members of the Opposition who are attacked in one way
or another by repression should campaign to be defended by the
International Red Aid.
2.
At the same time, every case of repression, harassment, provocation,
etc., must be the object of an international campaign by the
Opposition. That is why an International Oppositional Defense
Committee must be created, under the direction of the IS, charged
with centralizing information, giving impetus to campaigns, and
organizing material support. For this work we can call upon comrades
who are close to the Opposition but do not formally belong to our
ranks.
3.
Every time the International Red Aid or the organizations controlled
by the Stalinist bureaucrats refuse to help the Opposition, the
Oppositional Defense Committee should denounce the fact to the whole
working class, while taking measures for the effective support of the
comrades and organizations affected. In this way the International
Oppositional Defense Committee must appear as the proletarian defense
organization that compensates for the default of the organizations
that are disabled and disoriented by centrism.
Report
of the Spanish Commission
1.
In a revolutionary situation that objectively favors its development,
the Spanish Left Opposition is not only no longer developing, but it
is passing through a serious crisis that puts into question its
existence as an organization.
This
crisis is marked by conflicts between the Spanish section and the
International Opposition on one hand, and by conflicts within the
section on the other which have just been illustrated by a change of
leadership and by its transfer from Madrid to Barcelona.
2.
The Spanish section is composed of a nucleus of leaders of long
standing in the revolutionary movement, and a mass of young workers
with insufficient communist training, who have come to communism in a
revolutionary period, driven by the bureaucratic methods of the
Stalinists to the side of the Opposition, but not on a serious
political basis.
Such
a composition places all the more importance and responsibility on
the leadership, which must, through intense political life, assure
the education of the workers who have come to the organization out of
enthusiasm.
3.
The present crisis of the Spanish section finds its most important
immediate cause in the attitude of the section towards national and
international political problems.
The
leadership of the Spanish section has more often replaced political
explanations with personal evaluations. That has been shown again in
the recent changes that have just come about.
(Lacroix:
“Gangrene has set in.” Nin: “Lacroix is a pathological case.”).
The
gravity of the situation in the Spanish section finds its highest
expression in the first letter that the new leadership sent to the IS
on the subject of Mill. In this letter, the new leadership, instead
of condemning Mill’s capitulation, defended him with an attack on
the Left Opposition (Stalinist methods, etc.), going so far as to
make the outrageous statement that the Opposition was responsible for
Mill’s capitulation.
4.
Out of the confusion in which the Spanish section operates, we can
distinguish the following erroneous tendencies that hinder its
development:
a)
tendency towards a second party;
b)
lack of perspectives on the Spanish revolution;
c)
misunderstanding of the problems and development of the International
Opposition;
d)
lack of exact policies on questions of considerable immediate
importance (trade union, agrarian).
5.
Political clarification has been hindered by the characteristics of
the two most capable members of the leadership. Comrade Lacroix, by
his lack of personal discipline, by his violence of language in place
of political explanation, isolated himself from many comrades while
he held the most responsible position in the organization, one that
required him to associate with many comrades. Comrade Nin, who has
some personal prestige, and who has always remained equivocal on the
political situation in Spain and also on the general policies of the
Left Opposition, waited passively for the moment when Lacroix was
completely isolated, and then took over the leadership without
political debate.
On
the political positions of these two comrades, it appears from the
material (articles, letters) that we have at our disposal that
Comrade Lacroix is much closer to the general positions of the Left
Opposition than is Comrade Nin, whose customary reserve, moreover,
has just been shattered by the Mill case.
6.
The task of the International Opposition is to intervene to prevent
the collapse of the section and to give a positive result to the
present crisis.
The
intervention of the International Opposition should aim to:
a)
clarify the political differences among all
the members
of the Spanish organization;
b)
form a leading nucleus selected from the whole organization;
c)
prepare for a new conference for [ ]
7.
Our proposal:
a)
Open the political discussion with a letter to all the members of the
Spanish Left Opposition (using the draft worked out in Prinkipo) and
adding particularly the position of the new leadership on the Mill
case.
b)
Ensure the discussion by publishing an internal bulletin.
c)
Send two comrades from the International Opposition [Lesoil and [ ]
to contribute to the discussion from top to bottom and to help the
International Opposition clarify the situation.
d)
Close the discussion with an enlarged meeting of the IS, with the
participation of representatives of the various currents that emerge
in the Spanish section.