Leon
Trotsky: “Down with Stalin” Is Not Our Slogan
Autumn
1932
[Writing
of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 13. Supplement (1929-1933), New York 1979, p.
168-172]
All
the letters we have received recently testify that the most popular
saying in party circles, particularly in Moscow, is: “Down with
Stalin.” To understand the origin of this concise and limited
slogan is not difficult. But it is nevertheless clearly untenable.
Individually, Stalin does not exist: he does not write, speak, or
even appear at the Comintern plenum. He lives as the bureaucracy’s
unifying myth. Molotov and even Kaganovich
could
well take Stalin’s place. At one time, for certain purposes, the
Austrian governor in Switzerland, Gessler, was replaced by his hat.
Is
it a matter of differences on fundamentals or only over the way the
slogan has been formulated? This will be more quickly determined the
more we try to grasp the precise essence of the problem.
Three
basic groupings live and struggle within the party: the left, the
centrist, and the right. Among them and around them sub-factions and
shadings are arranging themselves. Stalin’s name is the name of the
apparatus faction which today still rules. Do we consider it
necessary to make an organizational break with this faction? And
further: Do we believe it is possible to call for its armed
overthrow?
Political
slogans must now be evaluated, not within the narrow confines of
“inner-party discussion,” but within the broad framework of the
class groupings in the country. For the Thermidorean forces the
slogan “Down with Stalin” is only a personalized expression of
the slogan “Down with the Bolsheviks.”
If
the Left Opposition were today so strong that it could, by direct
action of the proletarian vanguard, liquidate the dictatorship of the
bureaucracy, the slogan “Down with Stalin” would have a
fully-defined meaning: reform of the party regime under the
leadership of the Bolshevik-Leninists. It was precisely in this
“propagandists” sense that we wrote in the open letter to the
central Executive Committee that it was time to heed Lenin’s advice
and remove Stalin.
But
the Opposition today cannot directly aspire to take the place of the
Stalinist faction and secure the reform of the party and the Soviets.
In the time ahead, diverse variants are possible. The pressure of the
Thermidorean forces may, even in the near future, take on such a
character that we will find ourselves in a united front with the
Stalinists and even with a significant sector of the right wing of
the party.
The
possibility is not at all excluded that the Stalinist upper echelon,
and Stalin included, will not want, or will not know how, to break
with the Thermidorean forces at the necessary moment but, on the
contrary, will lead them for a time in the interests of
self-preservation. Under those circumstances, the slogan “Down with
Stalin” would mean a call for a direct struggle against the forces
of Thermidor.
The
most serious consequence of the illusions and disappointments of the
first five-year plan is the demoralization of the working class. All
the letters refer to the mood of “pessimism” and “depression.”
“In
the work of the party organization,” even Pravda
writes in connection with the Stalingrad tractor factory, “there is
not now that Bolshevik spark, that energy, which is a prerequisite
for success.” And where would it come from?
It
would be contrary to human nature for the workers, coming into the
second five-year plan in the midst of serious privations, to maintain
those feelings of enthusiasm which accompanied the first two years of
the first five-year plan. The political moods of the proletariat, the
most tempered and stable class, have their ups and downs too. But it
would be fundamentally false to think that the Russian proletariat
has exhausted its historic revolutionary role for a long time to
come, if not forever, as happened with the bourgeoisie, or, more
accurately, the petty bourgeoisie, during the bourgeois revolutions.
The bourgeoisie achieved its goal. The continuation of the
revolutions could only have worked against it. The proletariat has
not achieved its goals. The excessive strain on its energies and its
disillusionment undoubtedly introduce corruptive elements into its
present condition. But it is safe to say, even from afar, that the
sense of confusion is taking the heaviest toll on the consciousness
of the proletariat. Over the past nine years, the proletariat has
been present, more and more in the capacity of observer, as the old
leadership was smashed, all power was concentrated in the hands of
the apparatus, power was gradually transferred to the highest
echelons of the apparatus, and all knowledge, qualities, authority,
and finally absolute infallibility, became concentrated, first in the
“Leninist Central Committee,” and then in Stalin alone. The
consequences of Stalin’s leadership are plain for all to see.
Stalin himself has politically vanished.
All
those who are still speaking are for the present speaking in the name
of Stalin. But they are talking only in order to say nothing. The
vanguard of the proletariat is confused; it is inclined to regard any
new plans and formulas with a preconceived mistrust.
Major
developments, clearly posed tasks, and an immediate concrete danger
would show at once how strong the forces of the Soviet proletariat
are.
A
major development, in fact the most important, would of course be a
revolution in the West. Germany is clearly next in line. The
Stalinist bureaucracy’s sabotage with respect to the German
revolution is right now the most terrible of historical crimes. The
course of German events drills into us imperiously the lesson that to
carry out revolutionary policy in a single country is impossible. The
regeneration of the CPSU is inextricably linked with the regeneration
of the Comintern.
But,
on the other hand, a strengthening of reaction in Germany and the
associated danger of an imperialist war against the USSR may serve as
a direct impetus for a new political upsurge of the Soviet
proletariat. Finally, the actual results of the first five-year plan
could have the same effect when the hour of a decisive reckoning
comes.
In
order to tap their own sources of potential energy, the workers must
analyze, understand, and verify what has taken place, understand the
causes, and dear a path to the future.
It
is precisely here that the historical function of the Left Opposition
opens up.
We
will not at this time try to guess which possible variant is more
likely or more imminent. On the basis of guesses alone, however
well-grounded they may be in and of themselves, it is impossible to
construct a policy. It is necessary to keep different tactical
variants in mind.
It
is true that the slogan “Down with Stalin” is very popular right
now not only inside the party but also far beyond its perimeters. In
this one can see the advantage of the slogan but at the same time,
undoubtedly, also its danger. To assume a protective coloring and
politically dissolve into the general dissatisfaction with the
Stalinist regime is something we cannot, we will not, and we must not
do.
How
quickly the impending events will unfold, we, from here — from afar
— will not try to predict. And what is more, it is hardly possible
even at close range to make such predictions. In general, they are
made extremely difficult, if not excluded, by the very nature of the
crisis, which politically is more and more taking the form of an open
conflict between the bureaucracy and the class which produced it.
The
slogan “Down with Stalin” that has been advanced, allegedly by a
new opposition, we believe to be incorrect because it is ambiguous.
On the one hand, it can be interpreted in the spirit of the French
saying: “Get up so that I can sit in your place.” On the other
hand, it can be interpreted as a call to smash the Stalinist faction,
expel its members from the party, etc. Neither of these is our goal.
We need a change of the party regime as a prerequisite for
fundamental reform of the workers’ state. Least of all are we
forswearing collaboration with the Stalinist grouping. We have no
doubt that the right wing will produce from its midst not a few
elements who will find their place and make their stand on our side
of the barricades. Due to the character of the regime, the present
groupings — as regards their cadre — are embryonic, rough-hewn,
and moreover, very limited. Real political differentiation in all
respects is still a thing of the future.
The
Left Opposition will not tie its own hands by reminiscences of
yesterday and by old deportment records. While forgetting nothing, it
opens the way to the future.
In
essence, the entire program was outlined concretely enough during the
last two years in the works of the Left Opposition, especially in the
remarkable article by C.G. Rakovsky. He warned against haste and
demanded that the time period of the plans be increased. The result
is well known: at any rate, Rakovsky’s term of exile was increased
— by three more years.
There
is a great deal of dissatisfaction and criticism in the party. The
number of opposition groupings and tendencies is continuously
growing, and the old political groupings, which it seemed had been
totally liquidated or had totally liquidated themselves, are coming
to life. Such always happens in the first stages of political crisis.
These manifestations of the chaotic state of the opposition will
inevitably grow for a certain period of time. The Left Opposition can
even find itself, for a certain time, pushed back into a secondary
position. There is no reason to be frightened by this. Political
correctness paves a way for itself more quickly during an epoch of
crisis than at any other time.
The
necessary condition for this is the organized emergence of the Left
Opposition itself. It must make its voice heard.