Leon Trotsky: Letter to the Sections of the ILO

June 9, 1932

[Writing of Leon Trotsky, Vol. 13. Supplement (1929-1933), New York 1979, p. 120-124, title: “Proposals for the Antiwar Congress”]

Dear Comrades:

The question of an antiwar congress, at the formal initiative of Rolland and Barbusse, is visibly assuming greater significance than I thought it had a week ago on the basis of inadequate information. The articles in La Vie ouvrière (CGTU weekly) do not leave any doubt that behind the backs of Rolland and Barbusse stand Moscow and the Comintern.

At first glance this fact seems to be almost improbable. Rolland is a petty-bourgeois radical of the purest water, a sincere pacifist, a Gandhi worshipper, a Latin variety of Maxim Gorky, of superior culture but with less revolutionary experience. Barbusse is a Rolland of the younger generation and of incomparably lesser stature. In his capacity as publisher of the magazine Monde, Barbusse is conducting a campaign of propaganda for the unity of the Communists with the “social fascists.” It is difficult to imagine a more absurd, reactionary, and harmful slogan than this. And under cover of these two petty-bourgeois pacifists the Comintern deems it necessary to hide on the question of the defense of the Soviet Union. While denying the tactic of a united front with the mass organizations of the workers, the Stalinists hand over the initiative for the united front to Barbusse, who stands for complete merger with the Social Democracy. It is difficult to imagine a more blatant and disgusting union of ultraleftism with opportunism.

Judging by the symptoms, there is in preparation a turn to the right all along the line. Of the most important significance, of course, is the turn in the economic policy of the USSR. The newspapers are continuing to bluster about the liquidation of the kulaks as a class, but the practical measures of the economic policy are unavoidably preparing the conditions for the restoration of the kulaks as a class. The head is already turned to the right, and the tail is still sticking out leftward: such is the outward likeness of the Stalinist bureaucracy. In Germany the united front with the trade unions is rejected while the effort is made through Barbusse and Rolland to dilute the proletarian vanguard in the most heterogeneous international fraternity.

What a disgrace! Can anyone imagine for a moment that the Bolshevik Party in Lenin’s time would “join” Gorky in the matter of calling an international congress against war? Lenin spoke and wrote on numerous occasions; Gorky is, of course, a wonderful writer; but as regards politics he would do well if he kept out of it, because his interference creates nothing but confusion. The Stalinists, however, undoubtedly induced Rolland and Barbusse to take the initiative in this international confusion, in an attempt to camouflage the dull edge of their policy in it.

All this we must explain to the Communists. The new centrist experiment, purely adventurist in spite of its opportunism, must be understood by the advanced workers. The cause of Communism can only gain by it. But the tasks of the Left Opposition cannot be limited to this alone. The Comintern has already joined the call of Rolland-Barbusse. All or the majority of groups which are arrayed in the Two-and-a-half International will probably join. It is highly probable that separate organizations of the Second International will join, along with various kinds of societies of pacifists and intellectuals on this and the other side of the ocean. In such circumstances the Left Opposition cannot stand aside. It must take part in the congress in order to pose the question of struggle against the war danger in a Marxist, Leninist manner. I think that we can, given the proper initiative, secure for ourselves a sufficiently active and independent participation in the coming congress.

We must immediately begin the preparatory ideological and, particularly, the organizational work.

The ideological side does not present any difficulties. If war is a continuation of politics, the struggle against war is a continuation of revolutionary politics. A correct united front policy in Germany is at present the most important and effective means for the struggle against war. We will have to call to mind the fact that the danger of war [to the USSR] from the east is a direct result of the defeat of the Chinese revolution, for which the false policy of the Comintern is responsible. We will have to recall the Comintern’s attempt to “defend” the USSR with the aid of the Anglo-Russian Committee. We will, especially, call to mind the experience with the Anti-Imperialist League and its conference, to which Münzenberg brought delegates from the Kuomintang on one hand, and from the British Labourites on the other. We will thus be able to expose the mechanics of this new congress as a broadened reproduction of the masquerade of the Anti-Imperialist League. All our preparatory, work must be involved with the issuance of a manifesto signed by all the national sections at the moment of the congress, i.e., at the end of July. From the principled point of view, this political side of the problem, as I have already said, does not present any difficulties. Our main task consists of having each section develop the broadest possible campaign on the basis of a well-elaborated program.

The organizational side of the problem is far more difficult because of the comparative weakness of our forces and also because of the furious resistance which the Stalinist apparatus will offer against our participation in the congress.

This side of the matter we must consider and prepare for with the utmost carefulness. We have a chance to succeed because the congress, by its very nature, cannot be confined within a strictly organizational framework. First of all, we must get access to the “behind the scenes” preparations. We must find out precisely the composition of the organization bureau. We need not doubt that the cuisine is wholly and entirely in the hands of the Stalinist bureaucracy. If as regards principles we cannot offer the pacifists and half-pacifists the least concessions, we must in the purely organizational question, i.e., in the question of penetration into the preparatory organs of the congress, skillfully utilize the elements of the Rolland-Barbusse type in the various countries in order with their aid to overturn the Stalinist flunkies: only in this manner will we be able afterwards to “overturn” politically the pacifists themselves at the congress.

Are there any rules and regulations for the congress? What are they? We must immediately procure them, reproduce them, and circulate them to all sections. As I understand it, admission to the congress will be widely and vaguely extended to representatives not only of political and trade union organizations but also of formal meetings and gatherings. It is necessary to arrange a series of meetings, even if they are small, with the object of clarifying the character of the congress and our tasks as participants and to wind up such meetings with the election of a delegate who is to carry out appropriate instructions.

In those countries where the Left Opposition enjoys indirect influence in the trade unions, it is necessary to draw the latter into participation: it will be more difficult for the Stalinist lackeys to bar trade union delegates from the congress.

I am of the opinion that each national section should immediately establish a special commission of at least three comrades to work alongside of the administration for the preparation of the congress. There is not much time left. We should not lose a single day. The sections should conduct a careful exchange of all materials and information on the work accomplished. Each section should attentively watch the preparations for the congress by other organizations: various channels and unexpected possibilities may open up to us. We should know how to utilize them. While applying the greatest organizational flexibility, care must be taken not to permit a single false note. At the same time we should not leap out too much in advance: the main charge must be left for the congress itself.

In assigning delegates it is necessary to have in mind that our comrades will hardly have the opportunity to take part in a free discussion: the congress apparatus will be entirely in the hands of the Stalinists. True, the participation of centrists and pacifists may open some opportunities for organizational maneuvering (though, in all probability, the pacifists will act jointly with the Stalinists to stifle our expression). At any rate, we must count not , on long, freely delivered speeches, but on short declarations prepared in writing in advance, on our manifesto, etc. This means that we need not so much experienced parliamentary orators as militant revolutionists, who can handle themselves properly, secure the floor from the most rigid chairman, who will not stop, if conditions will demand, at causing a parliamentary scandal. It is understood that our delegates will achieve results only if they constitute a compact, though small, group. For this the knowledge of foreign languages is very important.

Since the initiative comes from France, it is naturally incumbent upon our French section to carry out the tasks of a speedy, and at the same time the widest possible, preparatory exploration and of furnishing information to the other sections.

It is quite possible that the above remarks and suggestions will contain large gaps or errors because of inadequate information. But the plan itself, if accepted by the International Secretariat and the sections, will in the process of its execution go through the necessary corrections, changes, and supplements. The most important thing now is to commence the work — without losing a single minute.

G. Gourov [Leon Trotsky]

P.S. This letter as a whole is not intended for publication, of course. Separate parts that do not represent “war secrets” may certainly be used, if necessary.

G.G.